The Council of Guardians, a constitutional watchdog of backers of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the supreme leader, that vets contenders for their supposed loyalty, disqualified about 60% of the 12,000 people who came forward as parliamentary candidates, about twice the rate of previous elections. Roughly a quarter of those kicked off the list won appeals but, even so, half of those who had wanted to stand for office were prevented from doing so.<\/p>\n
Nor were the Guardians even-handed. Reformists were hit hardest. In the first cut only 30 of about 3,000 were approved, leaving large parts of the country without even a single reformist candidate. \u201cThey want an Islamic Re- without the public,\u201d quipped one observer.<\/p>\n The stacked vote means that Mr Rohani may have to stomach a parliament that will continue to resist his social and political programme. For almost three years he has contended with conservatives who have bridled at his outreach to the West, even impeaching one of his ministers, and have stymied his economic, political and cultural initiatives.<\/p>\n That said, the popular Mr Rohani is not yet finished. Iran\u2019s naysayers look more rudderless than its reformists. Pragmatic conservatives know that without finance from the West the Islamic republic could collapse. Iran aspires to be a bubbly BRIC economy, but growth was sluggish last year. The government is saddled with debt, and with a crashing oil price and weak production (down from 5.8m bpd in 1978 to 2.8m today), its budget deficit is around 2.2% of GDP and growing. Prominent conservatives, including Ali Larijani, the speaker of parliament, have promised to support some of Mr Rohani\u2019s economic policies. \u201cThe parliament should legislate to remove obstacles to raising production and improve the business climate,\u201d Mr Larijani told an economic conference in Qom, the country\u2019s religious centre, on February 14th. A large number of independent candidates might sidle up to Mr Rohani, anxious to secure the funding his government dispenses. \u201cWhile a pro-Rohani parliament looks in doubt, he should at least hope for one he can work with,\u201d says a veteran Iran hand.<\/p>\n In graphics: The implications and consequences of Iran’s nuclear deal<\/span><\/span><\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n That may not be enough to satisfy discontented Iranians to the left and the right. Many reformists remain bitter, not just about their electoral exclusion, but also at what they see as Mr Rohani\u2019s failure to keep his promises. During his 2013 election campaign he held up a key, vowing to release political prisoners, including many arrested in protests that followed a disputed election in 2009. Yet they remain behind bars. Initiatives to open sports stadiums to women and execute fewer people have similarly fallen foul of conservatives. After repeated humiliations in parliament Mr Rohani has suspended political and cultural reform to focus on the economy.<\/p>\n Also at stake in this election is the power to choose who will succeed Mr Khamenei, whose authority exceeds that of the president. On the same day that voters select MPs they will also choose members of the Assembly of Experts. This is a committee of clerics that will elect Mr Khamenei\u2019s successor should he die during its eight-year tenure. Given that the 76-year-old is frequently said to be suffering from prostate cancer, the committee may indeed be called upon to do so.<\/p>\n![\"Election](\"https:\/\/codir.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2016\/02\/Mideast-Iran-Elections-.jpg\")
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